Just as exactly seven years ago, when he took office as President of Mexico after a landslide victory, Andrés Manuel López Obrador has angered his ill-wishers, who return to dancing to the tune that suits them. But their reappearance is not a prank, no matter how much the muna of the most angry sector amuses them, but rather a political maneuver to display and neutralize them.
As I explained in this space a week ago, when I anticipated his “so-feared return,” what López Obrador intends with his book Greatness It is the same as what he has done with his previous 20: In addition to the topic itself, which reflects his passion for the history of Mexico, it serves to guide and ratify strategic definitions and call for political action, in this case in the face of the threats of foreign interventionism, especially from the United States, in complicity with the Mexicans who submit to Donald Trump.
This is not an assumption: The main leaders of the PRI and the PAN have gone to the United States to implore intervention, before and after the elections that they lost decisively last year. Articulated with media from that country and a million-dollar investment in social networks, with Claudio
And on another front, Ricardo Salinas Pliego, one of the most radical economic and media opponents, maintains a close relationship with Trump as sponsor of his inauguration and the welcome of Ambassador Ronald Johnson, a retired military man and CIA agent involved in invasions of several countries. This tycoon’s political action intensified after the rulings that he pay part of the 74 billion pesos he owes to the treasury.
Just last week, three days before López Obrador’s reappearance, on November 27, Salinas Pliego was the host at the Universidad de la Libertad, part of the Atlas Network, of Ana Corina Sosa Machado, the daughter of María Corina Machado, the 2024 Nobel Peace Prize winner who asks the United States to invade her country. “It fills us with optimism and makes us see that the fight against the dictatorship is worth it,” wrote the debtor who has put a coup seal on his three television channels.
Nor is Trump’s blatant intervention in the sovereign affairs of other countries an assumption: He wants to overthrow Nicolás Maduro as President of Venezuela. He interfered in Argentina’s election to support Javier Milei and now in Honduras in favor of the far-right Nasry Asfura. And that is exactly what the opposition in Mexico is looking for: That the government and even the army of the United States enter Mexico, even if it violates our territory with its army.
Thus, with the illusion of US interventionism, the opposition has built the narrative that Mexico is subject to criminal groups and that López Obrador and now Claudia Sheinbaum are direct accomplices. Data to support your claims? None. Pure fabrications that even the United States has denied. There is ineptitude, inadequacies, laziness and collusion of officials – even Adán Augusto López Hernández and governors, if it is proven – but claiming that it is a narco-state is nonsense. Genaro García Luna, Felipe Calderón’s right-hand man, it is a fact that he is imprisoned as a drug trafficker.
What is behind this opposition strategy in Mexico is the imploring the United States government to intervene, as it does in other countries, something that the PRI and the PAN—and their bosses—should reflect on in light of the failure of two openly pro-Trump party attempts: México Republicano, by Americans Larry Rubin and Gricha Raether, and Movimiento Viva México, by actor Eduardo Verástegui, have only obtained the repudiation of Mexicans, who historically abhor everyone. the sellouts.
So, the reappearance of López Obrador through a message on his social networks this Sunday, November 30, one day before the seventh anniversary of his inauguration, has to do with these stalkings of the criminal who governs the United States—wasn’t Trump declared guilty of crimes?—and his vassals in Mexico, who have decided to opt for violence to try to destabilize a legitimately elected government, with an overwhelming majority just a year and a half ago.
And López Obrador’s intention to support the President of Mexico is not because she is weak—if she were, she would not have been able to push aside Alejandro Gertz Manero, one of the former president’s great mistakes—but because of the ominous signs that have accumulated, inside and outside of Mexico, about which it is necessary to warn at a time when a popular mobilization has been called, on Saturday, December 6, precisely in response to these threats.
Does the reappearance of López Obrador reopen the debate on his management as President of Mexico? Magnificent that it is so. Now and always, although they have already concluded their management, public men must face scrutiny so that history places them in their dimension. Rather than becoming entrenched, the opponents should organize themselves better, get busy designing an alternative project and convene their figures, as they have done with Ernesto Zedillo.
But with the PRI, not even Carlos Salinas and Enrique Peña Nieto are pulling, and the PAN does not have Vicente Fox or Calderón, who even despises them…
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